Excerpt: Madness
On the Madness of Modern Liberalism:
The egalitarianism and welfarism of modern liberal government are
incompatible with the facts of human nature and the human condition.
But the rise to power of the liberal agenda has resulted from the fact
that the people of western societies have irrationally demanded that
governments take care of them and manage their lives instead of
protecting their property rights. This misconception results in
massive violations of those rights while permitting government
officials to act out their own and their constituents'
psychopathology. The liberal agenda gratifies various types of
pathological dependency; augments primitive feelings of envy and
inferiority; reinforces paranoid perceptions of victimization;
implements manic delusions of grandeur; exploits government authority
for power, domination and revenge; and satisfies infantile claims to
entitlement, indulgence and compensation.
Modern liberalism rejects, to one degree or another, the competence and
sovereignty of the common man and subordinates him to the will of
governments run by liberal elites. The western world's twentieth
century capitulation to this philosophy is obvious--and the
implications for liberty are ominous. But the history of the world
also documents the heroic struggles of human beings to escape from
tyrannies of all types, whether imposed by the brute force and declared
entitlement of a dictator, or falsely justified by economic, religious
or political sophistries. The science fiction of Marxian economic
evolution, the grandiose fantasy of a New World Order, the utopian
dreams of The Great Society, the myth of the divine emperor, have all
had their turns on center stage in irrational man's attempts to
legitimize government control and deny individual liberty. The
realities of the human condition, especially the inherent sovereignty
of individuals and their inevitable differences in choice and
preference, render all collectivist doctrines absurd. A rational
biologist will not transport a mountain goat to a prairie and declare a
match between organism and environment. A rational social policy
theorist will not create an environment of rules for human action that
dismisses individual differences, ignores the critical roles of free
choice, morality and cooperation, and otherwise distorts and violates
the nature of man, and then announce that utopia has arrived in a
workers' paradise.
Like all other human beings, the modern liberal reveals his true
character, including his madness, in what he values and devalues, in
what he articulates with passion. Of special interest, however, are
the many values about which the modern liberal mind is not passionate:
his agenda does not insist that the individual is the ultimate
economic, social and political unit; it does not idealize individual
liberty and the structure of law and order essential to it; it does not
defend the basic rights of property and contract; it does not aspire to
ideals of authentic autonomy and mutuality; it does not preach an ethic
of self-reliance and self-determination; it does not praise courage,
forbearance or resilience; it does not celebrate the ethics of consent
or the blessings of voluntary cooperation. It does not advocate moral
rectitude or understand the critical role of morality in human
relating. The liberal agenda does not comprehend an identity of
competence, appreciate its importance, or analyze the developmental
conditions and social institutions that promote its achievement. The
liberal agenda does not understand or recognize personal sovereignty or
impose strict limits on coercion by the state. It does not celebrate
the genuine altruism of private charity. It does not learn history's
lessons on the evils of collectivism.
What the liberal mind is passionate about is a world filled with pity,
sorrow, neediness, misfortune, poverty, suspicion, mistrust, anger,
exploitation, discrimination, victimization, alienation and injustice.
Those who occupy this world are "workers," "minorities," "the little
guy," "women," and the "unemployed." They are poor, weak, sick,
wronged, cheated, oppressed, disenfranchised, exploited and
victimized. They bear no responsibility for their problems. None of
their agonies are attributable to faults or failings of their own: not
to poor choices, bad habits, faulty judgment, wishful thinking, lack of
ambition, low frustration tolerance, mental illness or defects in
character. None of the victims' plight is caused by failure to plan
for the future or learn from experience. Instead, the "root causes" of
all this pain lie in faulty social conditions: poverty, disease, war,
ignorance, unemployment, racial prejudice, ethnic and gender
discrimination, modern technology, capitalism, globalization and
imperialism. In the radical liberal mind, this suffering is inflicted
on the innocent by various predators and persecutors: "Big Business,"
"Big Corporations," "greedy capitalists," U.S. Imperialists," "the
oppressors," "the rich," "the wealthy," "the powerful" and "the
selfish."
The liberal cure for this endless malaise is a very large
authoritarian government that regulates and manages society through a
cradle to grave agenda of redistributive caretaking. It is a
government everywhere doing everything for everyone. The liberal motto
is "In Government We Trust." To rescue the people from their troubled
lives, the agenda recommends denial of personal responsibility,
encourages self-pity and other-pity, fosters government dependency,
promotes sexual indulgence, rationalizes violence, excuses financial
obligation, justifies theft, ignores rudeness, prescribes complaining
and blaming, denigrates marriage and the family, legalizes all
abortion, defies religious and social tradition, declares inequality
unjust, and rebels against the duties of citizenship. Through multiple
entitlements to unearned goods, services and social status, the liberal
politician promises to ensure everyone's material welfare, provide for
everyone's healthcare, protect everyone's self-esteem, correct
everyone's social and political disadvantage, educate every citizen,
and eliminate all class distinctions. With liberal intellectuals
sharing the glory, the liberal politician is the hero in this
melodrama. He takes credit for providing his constituents with
whatever they want or need even though he has not produced by his own
effort any of the goods, services or status transferred to them but has
instead taken them from others by force.
Radical liberalism thus assaults the foundations of civilized freedom,
and for that reason it is a genuine evil. Further, given its
irrational goals, coercive methods and historical failures, and given
its perverse effects on human development, there can be no question of
the radical agenda's madness. Only an irrational agenda would advocate
a systematic destruction of the foundations on which ordered liberty
depends. Only an irrational man would want the state to run his life
for him rather than create secure conditions in which he can run his
own life. Only an irrational agenda would deliberately undermine the
citizen's growth to competence by having the state adopt him. Only
irrational thinking would trade individual liberty for government
coercion, then sacrifice the pride of self-reliance for welfare
dependency. Only an irrational man would look at a community of free
people cooperating by choice and see a society of victims exploited by
villains.
The liberal agenda urges the citizen to place his basic trust in
government, to see it as the mother of all providers, and to mistrust
those with whom he would have to trade voluntarily in order to get what
he wants. In doing this, the politician seeks to redirect to
government offices the trust which can and should empower the
individual to run his own life through voluntary cooperation with
others. Government programs appeal to the citizen's passivity by
implying that he need not provide for his own health care, housing or
retirement. And he need not cooperate with his fellows for these
purposes either. Instead, he is told, he need only trust the
government to make available to him whatever he needs and to implement
that trust by ceding to its officials the power to tax the people and
regulate them for his benefit. In short, the government invites the
citizen to vote for the candidate who promises what a parent gives a
child. It invites him to assume the dependent role of the child, to
surrender his personal sovereignty to the state, to ignore his
existential obligation to take full responsibility for his material and
social welfare, and to empower government officials as his guardians.
His neurosis is evident in his ideals and fantasies; in his
self-righteousness, arrogance and grandiosity; in his self-pity; in his
demands for indulgence and exemption from accountability; in his claims
to entitlements; in what he gives and withholds; and in his protests
that nothing done voluntarily is enough to satisfy him. Most notably,
the radical liberal's neurosis is evident in his extravagant political
demands, in his furious protests against economic freedom, in his
arrogant contempt for morality, in his angry defiance of civility, in
his bitter attacks on freedom of association, in his aggressive assault
on individual liberty. And in the final analysis, the irrationality of
the radical liberal is most apparent in his ruthless use of force to
control the lives of others.
In a competent society the principles of ordered liberty guide the
citizen throughout the life cycle. They inform him and his children
and the community of the rules by which human beings make good lives
for themselves. Because the rights, laws and duties of the competent
society are all of a piece and reflect the bipolar nature of man, the
entire ensemble of individual citizen, family, community, society and
institutions forms a coherent whole in support of life, liberty, social
cooperation and the pursuit of happiness. Under the rules that govern
ordered liberty, the human organism and its physical and social
environment are in harmony to the maximum extent possible given the
turbulent nature of man.
By contrast, a society organized under radical liberalism comes
into immediate conflict with the bipolar nature of man and with the
rights, laws and duties needed for human beings to live in peace and
freedom. Rather than coordinating the life of the individual citizen
with the institutions of his society, radical liberalism sets
individuals and institutions into perpetual conflict with each other
through its rhetoric of class warfare and victimization, its violations
of personal freedom through confiscatory taxation and invasive
regulation, its attacks on family integrity, and the endless bungling
of government bureaucracy.
With an incomparable record of flawed analysis, faulty solutions and
destructive consequences, liberal government grandly proclaims itself
indispensable and presumes to regulate and administer our lives from
the business office to the bedroom. The inherent potential for madness
in all human beings--our tendencies toward grandiosity, overestimation
and extravagance; our impaired judgment, distortions of fact,
misunderstanding of cause and effect and resistance to learning from
experience; our lack of perspective and obsession with irrelevant
details; our foolish goals, paranoid fears and irrational
counter-aggression; our power-grabbing and criminality--all are writ
large in the madness of liberal government. Its policies and
operations are a study in the psychopathology and sociopathology of
human nature.
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